The End of Secessionism in Somalia. Part VII – North Somalis´ Massive Outcry Against Tyrant Riyaale
Dr. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis
March 18, 2009
In the present article, I republish a report on the "Ethiopian Airlines" delay in resumption of Somaliland flights due to lack of security, and two editorials that from different viewpoints denounce the Riyaale tyranny, which is expected to be forcefully ousted in the forthcoming elections. More and more Northern Somalis defy Riyaale´s tyranny, expressing their overwhelming rejection of the dictator who betrayed the Somali Nation and remained in power due to Abyssinian support only.
Somaliland Opposition 'Ready for Election' but April 6 is the Deadline for Riyale´s Government
(Amongst others: http://xaqsoor.blogspot.com/)
Hargeisa, Somalia Mar 16 (Xaqsoor) - The leading opposition party in the republic of Somaliland has again demanded a caretaker government to rule the region during a two-month transitional period.
Mr. Ahmed Mohamed Silanyo, the presidential candidate for the Kulmiye opposition party, addressed a crowd Monday at the opening of a youth office in Hargeisa, the capital of Somaliland.
Ahmed Silanyo, Somaliland opposition leader
"Some people are saying that Kulmiye party is against the election. But Kulmiye is ready for the election this hour, Kulmiye is ready on May 31, but April 6 is the deadline for Riyal'es government," Mr. Silanyo declared, adding: "The dispute is who will rule the country [Somaliland] until the election date."
The Secretary of the ruling UDUB party, Mr. Jama Yasin Farah, told a party gathering in the city of Burao that the Kulmiye party's demands are "unfortunate".
"The people will only accept the constitutional process and I urge Kulmiye [party] to accept the decision reached by the Somaliland election commission," Mr Farah said, while referring to the commission's controversial move to delay the presidential election from March 29 to May 31.
Meanwhile, Somaliland's upper house of parliament, the House of Guurti, voted today to extend its ordinary session by an additional month to help mediate among the political parties.
The political crisis in Somaliland started in April 2008, when President Riyale's constitutional five-year mandate ended. The House of Guurti voted to give the Riyale administration an additional year in office, in a move condemned by the opposition as illegal.
The dispute was later resolved and a new election date was set for March 29, 2009, when Mr. Riyale and Mr. Silanyo were expected to face-off in a presidential race similar to 2003, when Silanyo lost by less than 90 votes.
But the election commission's unilateral decision to delay the election until May 31 has deepened the political dispute, with the Kulmiye party demanding that the two houses of parliament appoint a caretaker government that can lead Somaliland until the election.
There is fear and lack of confidence in the Riyale circle, as many of his diehard supporters left his umbrella, after his clumsy and heavy handed management of his nomination early last month. He lost strong men from two major Isaq clans Habar Awal and Arab. As Habar Jeclo was vehemently in his opposition and as a strong wing of Habar Yonis formed alliance with Habar Jeclo in last week's clan conference in Buroa, it is mathematically impossible for him to succeed in the following election. That analysis is cemented by the fact that Mohamed Asse of Gadabursi clan joined Kulmiye party where they secured Vice President candidacy. On the other hand Habar Arfan of Gadabursi are running for the same position in UCID party.
It has to be noted the deep rooted clan rivalry between Mohamed Asse and Makahiil of Gadabursi. The latter being Riyal's clan. Mohamed Asse dominates elected representatives of Awdal region, as they secured more than half of elected Awdal MPs, despite Riyal's opposition. On top of that the administration's failure in every sector of life and in every region is daily documented in local media. Corruption, inefficiency and lack of qualified personnel in his cabinet cripples his government. With continuous imprisonment and harassment of independent local media staff and his use of feeble Radio Hargeysa as a propaganda machinery backfired, as it reminded the public the era of military dictatorship.
All in all, an overwhelming majority of Somalilanders believe there is no way he can win in a free and fair election. On equal rating they believe he will play every card to postpone election and extend his term by using his agents in the Supereme Court, whose judges are under the control of the presidency. The local population and international community expressed their concern of worsening situation in the Somaliland. Recently there is no day without delegations from the Western Europe and Nothern America.
Xaqsoor Reporters
Hargeysa
Ethiopian Airlines Delay in Resumption of Somaliland Flights
(Amongst others: http://somalilandpress.com/3409/ethiopian-airlines-delay-in-resumption-of-somaliland-flights)
The resumption of Ethiopian's flight to Hargeissa, Somaliland has been delayed.
The route to the capital of the semi-autonomous region in northern Somalia was scheduled to re-open in January 2009, after it was suspended in November 2008 following the five suicide bomb attacks on buildings occupied by the government and international agencies.
Leul T. Medhin, Acting Public Relation head of Ethiopian, told Capital the security threat has not yet diminished enough for Ethiopia's national carrier to resume the flight.
Ethiopian is the only large airline which continued to fly to Hargeissa following the collapse of the last stable Somali government, which was led by Mohamed Siad Barre, in 1991.
However, Capital has learnt that Ethiopian is assessing the possibility of flights to Berbera airport instead of Hargeissa.
Somaliland: A Hostage to Rayaale
By Faisal A. Roble
(Amongst others: http://xaqsoor.blogspot.com/ and http://wardheernews.com/articles_07/feb_07/02_Somaliland_Rayaale_Roble.html)
Rayaale undeniably changed the landscape of clan balance in the equation of who is pro-or contra-secession. He brings many his clan to the fold of secession, of course with notable exception of names like the Samatar brothers, Dr. Ali Bahar, Nur Hirsi Bahal, to name just a few. But at the same time he is part of the apparatus that is indicted to have butchered the residents of Berbera district. As such, his meteoric rise to the highest office has offended the former SNM leaders and their constituents. Whereas his acceptance of secession diversifies the constituents for the cause, his membership of the notorious NSS, a Gestapo organization, that Barre used to purge his critics weakness the moral basis for secession argument.
The Rayaale factor is both an asset as well as a liability in the politics of secession. It gives the secession agenda a multi clan façade (two clans for secession versus three that oppose). In the same vain, Rayaale's ascent to power has discredited the hitherto morally-based argument of the secessionist vision even within the Somali community.
Although this clear contradiction in the body politic of Somaliland slaps in the face the thousand of victims killed in the north by the Barre regime, it is undeniably arguable that Rayaale expanded the constituent base for secession beyond one clan.
Thus, reconciling such internally contradictory phenomenon poses a political conundrum in Somaliland.
Moreover, Hargeysa today is not that much different from the days of Barre. The very notion of Rayaale as the head of Hargeysa, not to mention all the well documented attacks and violations he has so far committed against innocent civilians (like the human rights case of Zamzam Duale, the wanton arrests of journalists, the killing Khadar Dhabar, an innocent man from the minority clans and the failure to prosecute those who murdered him) eroded any sense of morality in Hargaysa. Hargyasa, it may seem, is trying to have its cake and eat it.
To add insult to an injury, during his relatively short reign in Somaliland, Rayaale has reinstituted everything (from run-away corruption to human rights abuse, to placing his old NSS comrades in sensitive positions) that Hargeysa loathed about the Barre regime. Yet, time and again, he has proven to be untouchable and he outfoxed the old guard of the SNM.
With all this baggage, Rayaale can not easily be discarded, or even held responsible, for the crimes committed against humanity in the past or present as charged in a report Rakiya Omar authored for Africa Watch in the late 1980s. Rather, he would stay exactly where he is at least for now and continue dragging and destroying with impunity the entire effort mounted by the secessionists, because touching him would amount to pushing his clan to the unionist side.
Leaders in Hargeysa are well aware of the infamous overnight switch of Rayaale's clan from the unionist camp and their willingness to do the same complete reversal of political migration in the event that anyone threatens their now powerful "son." Despite the inflammatory and condescending bravados that one often hears from hardliners (a case in point is the recent statement by Kahin, an SNM hardliner, that he will chase Rayaale out of the state house by whipping him with his cane – in Somali, Dhangad baan kaga saari madaxtooyada), Rayaale has crafted his political niche that is totally untouchable. In the words of one commentator who requested to remain anonymous, "Rayaale has Hargaysa and Rer-Sheikh Isaxaaq exactly where he wanted them to be."
On his part, Rayaale is the first from his clan who effected global change on his clan's political outlook and caused them migrate, of course there are notable exceptions, from their long held unionist ideology to a more vocal secessionist advocacy. Thus helping rearrange the clan balance where now two clans (Issaq and Gadabursi) support secession and three (Dhulbahante, Warsangali and Issa) oppose it is not a small feat. In political parlance, Rayaale has delivered to the secession camp.
As a well placed resident of Hargeysa told me recently, when it come to the Rayaale factor in the politics of Somaliland, he said "haddaan hadalno waa noo hadal baas, haddaan aamusnana waa afsalax ku dhagayagii," that is to say, as they say in English, "if we do we are damned, and if we don't we are damned too."
Rayaale has permanently dented the moral basis of the secessionist cause. To bank again on Mazrui's rhetorical saying, Somaliland can not live with or without Rayaale and that is its dilemma.
Faisal A. Roble can be reached here: fabroble@aol.com
Note
Picture: The Riyaale gang controls the bogus-army of Somaliland whose officers are most loathed by all Northern Somalis because of their docility to Abyssinian "advisers".
