Challenging Somaliland’s Claim to Sovereignty

By Osman Hassan March 17, , 2009

In a recent discussion on VOA Somali Service arch, Ambassador Abdullahi Adan (Congo) and Bashir Goth eloquently articulated Somaliland's claim to sovereignty and presented some solid justifications for its secession. These broadly cluster around two distinct themes: first are the grievances against the injustices of the union, comprising the lopsided sharing of government posts and the crimes committed against their people; and secondly are the legal and historical back-ups in support of the secession. These include: the Charter of the former Organisation of African Unity (now the AU) and its provisions on borders; recourse to historical precedents of countries that were formerly united but subsequently broke up; the support of the people of Somaliland for the secession and their inalienable right to self-determination. These are the issues I will respond to in the following sections.

1. Blaming the union for the wrong reasons

A number of complaints, some more bitter than others, are often presented by the proponents of secession as being the direct consequences of the union between the North and the South. As examined below, all these complaints have little bases.

i) The unfair sharing of government posts

For Bashir Goth, the beginning of the disillusionment with the union goes back to union day, and the obscene inequitable sharing of the top posts, in which the South grabbed all the top posts, thus making the union in their eyes not one between two equal partners but practically one between the dominant and the dominated.

No doubt this misgiving about the distribution of posts on union is well-founded, but this inequity was as much due to the selfishness and insensitivity of the South as to the immaturity of the members of the days-old Somaliland transitional government headed by Prime Minister Mohamed Ibrahim Egal. A different outcome would no doubt have been possible if only the Northerners persevered and pressed their rightful claims in a more determined and business like manner and not let themselves carried away by the intoxicating rush for union. But you would rarely ever hear a fair, balanced apportioning of the blame. It is always the South, as the Somalis say "wixii xunba Xaawaa leh".

Proponents of secession are however selective about the ups and down s of Somalia's political history. While they miss no opportunity to point to the downside and the initial raw deal meted out to the North, they rarely ever acknowledge the positive side and how two countries under different colonial administrations for nearly a century were able to integrate so quickly apart from initial understandable teething problems; or how the northerners came to dominate the top echelons of the civil service within a matter of few years; or the fact that Mr. Mohamed Ibrahim Egal himself became the Prime Minister of Somalia in 1967, or that Mohamed Hawaadle Madar, another northerner, was Prime Minister in Siyad Barre's last government. On this score, the North did not fare any worse than other regions or clans in Somalia.

ii) Asymmetrical development

Another complaint is that just as the South netted all the top posts, following the union, so they also took the lion's share of development funds, whether domestic or international, leaving the North starved. It is true that most of the state enterprises established during the early years of Siyad Barre's military regime were based in the capital. Most were managed by people from the North and whatever benefits accrued from them in terms of employment were open to the population of Mogadishu both southerners and northerners. The most important infrastructural development in the country was the Chinese-built road and that went across the North all the way to Berbera. Worth mentioning also was the cement factory near Berbera, What development can one point to in such regions as Mudug, Bari, Bay, etc.?
The fact of the matter is that the country was equal in poverty and underdevelopment.

iii) Atrocities against the North

The more serious misplaced grievance against the union by its opponents in the North are the atrocities committed by Siyad Barreh's regime which it is claimed has bushed the people of the North to the point of no return in their aversion to the union. No one in his right mind can fail to empathise with these sentiments and the emotions they raise. Indiscriminate use of force was one that the dictator has adopted in order to stamp any challenge to his rule. The North was not alone in being the object of this policy. The regions in the East were equally subjected to collective punishment for SODAF's anti-regime activities. These stopped only when SODAF gave up the struggle. Any other region would have been treated similarly should any challenged the dictator was mounted from that quarter. Much as these crimes are heinous, it is not the Union itself which is on trial but those responsible for these crimes who deserve to be indicted at home or at the International Criminal Court.

While the union has been a success, bad governance has been the ultimate cause for the collapse of the Somali State. For proponents of secession however, the union and the dictatorial misrule of Siyad Barre are inseparable.

iv) Examples of other countries experiences

Bad governance, atrocities, genocides and widespread human rights violations have been endemic in other African counties since the 1960s without resulting in secessions. The Hutus killed nearly a million Tutsi when they were ruling Rwanda, and the latter's militia under Paul Kagame avenged themselves on the Hutus when they in their turn took over the country by force. Although internal fighting over power continues to the present day among these two tribes, neither has threatened secession let alone embark upon it.

Mr. Milton Obote and Idi Amin, both former presidents of Uganda, have committed worse crimes against each other's clan than Mohamed Siyad Barre ever did in Somalia, and still Uganda remains united. In 1980, soon after Zimbabwe's independence in 1980, Robert Mugabe's army massacred nearly 20,000 civilians of the minority Matabele tribe, and since then literally destroyed the country and yet the Matebele tribe is as patriotic Zimbabweas as Mugabe's Shone tribe. Except with few exceptions, each country in African below the Sahara has been dominated politically and economically by one clan or other with the rest marginalised. Unlike Somalia, none of these countries are blessed with a homogenous people, and yet none of their clans or region has sought secession as is the case with a dominant clan in northern Somalia.

11. Somaliland's right to reclaim its former independence

Bashir Goth and Ambassador Abdullahi justified Somaliland's right to reclaim its former sovereignty on several grounds: recognition of its sovereignty on independence by numerous countries, its past existence as a former colony with recognised boundary; historical precedent of countries that were at one time united but later separated; and the existence of a people called Somaliland their right to self determination.

i) Recognition of Somaliland's sovereignty at independence

Ambassador Abdullahi Adan, repeating a common claim among proponents of Somaliland's independence, asserted that 32 so countries recognised Somaliland on its independence on 26 June 1960. If that was the case, the first country that would have recognised it would have been Britain, the colonial power. It did not do so for the simple reason that it hastened granting independence, in response to the wish of the Somaliland politicians, in order to expedite union with Italian Somaliland on the first of July. This is a simple matter to verify since the records are available in the archives of the Britain's Ministry of Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs.

In those days, I was a student in the UK, freelancing for the BBC Somali Service and I definitely recall the Service announcing congratulatory messages sent by governments on the occasion of Somaliland's independence, but nothing on recognition. These governments knew that British Somaliland would unite with its sister Italian Somaliland. in a matter of days and hence there would have been no point for them to recognise a state that would only exist a mere 4 days and thereafter disappear altogether as an independent separate country.

ii) Colonial borders

The Charter of the former Organisation of African Unity regarding the inviolability of colonial borders is often cited, as Bashir did, as giving Somaliland the right to reclaim its former borders and hence its separate status from Somalia. Article 111 para 3 of the OAU Charter adopted in 1963 by its member States calls for "respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of each State for its inalienable right to independent existence". This is further elaborated by resolution 16(1) on the border disputed between African States adopted by the OAU Assembly in 1964. Its operative paragraph 1 and 11 declare the following:

1. Solemnly reaffirms the strict respect by all member states of the Organization for the principles laid down in paragraph 3 of article III of the Charter of the Organization of African Unity;

2. Solemnly declares that all member states pledge themselves to respect the borders existing on their achievement of national independence.

Both article 111 in the Charter and resolution 16(1) as cited above were addressed solely to member States. Clearly, the borders that are to be respected are those of the member States of the OAU (now the AU). Hence they do not apply retroactively to non-existent member States like Somaliland. It should be recalled that this specific article of the Charter and the subsequent resolution were initiated at the behest of Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia as a ploy to ward off Somalia's claim to large parts of Somali-inhabited territory in Eastern Ethiopia. Haile Selassie was not thinking of Somaliland's defunct border with Ethiopia but that of Somalia and his country.

iii) Historical Precedents

Examples of countries that were united at one time and then broke up are often cited, as Ambassador Abdullahi Aden did, as providing clear-cut precedents for Somaliland's secession from the rest of Somalia. The break-ups of the United Arab Republic between Egypt and Syria in 1957 and Senegambia between Senegal and Gambia in 1989 are the ones often mentioned. If Egypt and Syria, both Arab countries and sharing a common language and cultural ties, can break so can Somaliland from Somalia, as Ambassador Abdullahi put it. What the ambassador has left out, however, is as important if not more so than the similarities he drew case histories of these countries. Those countries voluntarily and amicably agreed to separate which is not the case with Somaliland and Somalia. Indeed, this is what the British Riyale and his delegation last wee when they met last week with the British Foreign Secretary, David Miliband.

The background to the union of former British Somaliland and Italian Somaliland somewhat differs from those of the other countries cited. First, the compelling reason that propelled Britain to grant independence to Somaliland was to facilitate its union with Italian Somaliland. The birth of an independent Somaliland State,) with its own flag and constitution, recognised by other countries (more on this later) and preferably becoming a member of the United Nation was not one intended by Britain nor by the internal government of the time headed by Mohamed Ibrahim Egal. Secondly, Somaliland is neither monolithic nor inhabited by people with common aspirations. For a start, the SSC regions consider Somaliland as a defunct bygone colonial construct in which they were no party to it by written or oral agreement, as other clans were, and hence they have even less to do with it now in its revival. Thirdly, there is no possibility that any Somali government and Parliament will ever accede to Somaliland's wish for secession, now or in the future. There is however room for dialogue on finding ways and means of addressing those genuine concerns of the North within the framework of democratic united Somalia.

iv)The mythical Somaliland

The names of Somaliland and Somalilanders are invariably invoked by the proponents of secession as if the people in their area are distinct from the rest of the Somali people in Somalia or in other Somali inhabited territories in the Horn. After all, it is only through colonial occupation that these clans found themselves under British rule. Though the ties between any neighbouring clans in former British Somaliland were strong as a result of intermarriage and long historical interactions, these may be secondary to the pull of the ties they hold with their kith and kin across the artificial colonial borders.

The dichotomy among the clans in British Somaliland relate to their relations with the colonial power. While some clans had accepted British colonial rule though a protectorate agreement, those in the SSC regions fought them for nearly 21 years and even refused to enter into any agreement with the British. Unlike other counties, the end of British rule in Somaliland was not succeeded by the birth of a state to which its citizens declared their allegiance. Given the strength of Somali nationalism at the time, the immediate unity with Italian Somaliland was their common wish once British colonial rule ended rather than opting for a separate State. And as Britain did so, no Somaliland State has come to existence-only a transitional government headed by Mohamed Ibrahim Egal which disbanded itself after 4 days latler as it completed the union formalities.

v) Support for the secession

Defenders of Somaliland's secession rarely ever acknowledge in public the fact that the SSC regions, representing in area almost half of former British Somaliland, are unionists who have no truck with the break-up of Somalia. And when these facts are pressed, their next line of defence is to claim that leading Garaads and other prominent personalities from these regions were participants at the Burco meeting and that they signed to the adoption of the secession declaration in May in 1991. This was also the position adopted by Ambassador Abdullahi Aden .
It is true that the late Garaad Abdulqani, as well as Garaad Suleman, did attend the Burcao meetings but only in their own personal capacities and not as mandated delegates from all the clans and regions. As they explained on numerous occasions, they attended the meeting on the understanding that the objective was to restore peace and reconciliation among the northern clans and to consult as a region about their common position in negotiating with the South about the establishment of government that was to replace the ousted Siyad Barre regime Instead, the Burco meeting was high jacked by some extremist secessionist elements who forced on the delegates at gun point the adoption of the declaration of the secession from Somalia. This is of course denied by the advocates of the secession.

Whatever the truth about the events that led to the declaration of the secession in Burcao the fact remains that the SSC delegation on their return to a shocked and incredulous public immediately disowned the Burco declaration. Everything they did since then was to distance themselves from the secession and reaffirm their unwavering commitment to the union and Somalia. The entire elders of the SSC, including Garaad Abdulqani and Garaad Suleemaan, played a leading role in the establishment of Puntland in which the SSC regions constitute a central pillar and the Arta TNG government. All this is beside the point as far as the defenders of the secession is concerned, and all that matters is the consent to the Burco declaration by SSC participants as if this consent under duress, as claimed, was cast in stone, representing an inviolable agreement between sovereign parties

vi) The Right to Self-determination for secession

Ambassador Abdullahi Aden, echoing similar thinking among proponents of secession, invoked the principle of the right to self-determination in support of Somaliland's separation from Somalia. This right to self-determination is of course enshrined not only in the UN Charter but also in both the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. As interpreted by the UN Human Rights Committee, self determination is "…exemplified by the liberation of peoples from colonialism and by the prohibition to subject people to alien subjugation, domination and exploitation."

In ending its colonial rule in line with this principle, Britain did end its subjugation, domination and exploitation of its Somali subjects when it granted them independence in 1960 for the purposes of uniting with their brothers in Italian Somaliland. But it would be a perverse interpretation or understanding of this principle to invoke it and claim that the people in Somaliland had been, or are presently being subjected to alien subjugation, domination and exploitation by their fellow Somali clans in the South The logical conclusion is that all Somali clans are alien to one another and each can in its turn invoke the principle of self-determination if it wants to go its own way. This is a prescription for the end of the nation state as we know it.

Self-determination, if granted, is a double-edged sword, from which Somaliland has as much to gain from it as it may lose. Acting as the devil's advocate, suppose, as could well happen, the Awdal region were to withdraw, from the current secessionist Somaliland, or a future independent one; will Somaliland then oppose it by force since it is on no moral or legal ground to reject it, being itself the product of self-determination an/or secession in the first place?. Some might consider the example of Awdal as a hypothetical exercise. I beg to differ. But if Awdal's withdrawal from Somaliland is considered by some as far fetched, one could turn to a more realistic and closer case, namely the SSC regions. While Somaliland never tires to claim self-determination as if it was its own preserve, it would at the same time deny it to the SSC regions. Worse, it went to the extent of invading and occupying Sool and its capital Lascanod. Nothing could make a mockery of this principle than this blatant double standard.

vii) Seeking SSC support through persuasion

Somaliland had a choice between the use of force in capturing the recalcitrant SSC regions or relying on persuasion and patience in winning over the hearts and minds of its people. Given the realities in the SSC regions and the opposition to the secession, Somaliland was no longer willing to hold its cherished recognition hostage to the uncertainties of SSC public opinion. And so, in the end, it resorted to naked military force, and occupied Lascanod and much of the Sool region.

Apart from the pursuit of short-sighted electoral shenanigans, the occupation of Lascanod was meant to send a message to the international community that it has full control of all the regional capitals of former British Somaliland, something it calculated misguidedly might satisfy the necessary condition for its recognition. It might be physically in control of Lascanod and much of Sool, but as long as the SSC people are opposed to the occupation and secession, even through non-violence, the clear message it conveys is that Somaliland may control or occupy territory but has no support from its population and this is the far more important factor.

The international community is now fully aware that nearly 60 percent of Lascanod population are displaced; and that all the traditional leaders (Garaads and Isimos) are either in Garawe or mobilising their people in the interior. Ambassador Aden and Bashir Goth did not say a word about these realities but only a bizarre event which took place in Burco 18years ago. In the end, the will of the people in the SSC regions will trump the military occupation as it did elsewhere in the world.

After nearly one and a half years of occupation of Sool, at huge financial cost it could hardly spare, and with the goal of recognition still as far as ever, the time has come for Somaliland to rethink it strategy and policies. For its own sake, and the rest of us, the best course for Somaliland is to undo the damage it did, and withdraw immediately from Sool and Lascanod. That would be more productive than a costly and open-ended occupation of Sool which could lead to war. If that was to happen, the gulf that would divide the SSC people from Somaliland would be unbridgeable for the foreseeable future, a sure way to forfeit a harmonious united people of the North.

Osman Hassan
Email: ohassanomar@yahoo.co.uk

Somaliland:Guess who’s coming to dinner? Ina Barkhat from the silent era

- Practically unknown prior to their rise to power and faced with simmering social discontent, Somaliland's presidential NSS couple are so obtrusive in lavish spending and flamboyant lifestyle many people should not envy in the parlous state of our economy.

A villa in Cairo next to their former faqaash masters, a fishing company, a hotel, a farm and the airport tower in Borama, to name just a few, are the new acquisitions snatched thanks to their mafia-like practices. Somalilanders have been through a whole heap of things together and cannot afford to relive the excess of post-independence ruling clique. That's why citizens must continually ponder on how the redistribution of wealth throughout the country is fettered by the first couple and by this administration damaged by massive government nepotism, corruption and despotism.

The best way to detect the culture of the rich-quick schemes, self-aggrandizements and dictatorship is to observe the attitude of ina Barkhat, the First Lady, who does nothing for our development but displays her flash cars, her flash official holidays, managing always, after a number of serious mishaps, to outdone herself in everyday political malapropism when delivering lofty perorating speeches in camera and in public like her jaahiil husband President whose political glib-talk is increasingly becoming filled with cant and utter nonsense. She never does anything with style or class consequently acquiring a reputation as this country's premier fashion repellent toad. Between you and me and my caano geela on my table, her walk, with the fake bouffant hairdo, is not lithe and graceful either, still some are comparing her with Siyad's Khadija and others are considering her the new ina Xayd but without the beauty and the charm.
No one knows why, in these trying times, ina Barkhat is so inclined in life's little luxuries while the average Somalilander can barely make ends meet. Ina Barkhat's latest moves are unprecedented – previous Somaliland's First Ladies were practically unknown to the public - and should be seen as a flashback from the silent era, the time when Imelda Marcos was the leader in opulent lifestyle that she had trouble adjusting, after she was stripped from her powers, to the mundane realities of life. Our little Ina Barkhat, a conniving and greedy woman, clumsily grabs lands from ilma Sheik Ali Jowaher, poses herself as the new female Mahdi before reer Bali Gubadle, throws $50 000 at reer Gabilay, puts in jail journalists accusing them of insulting the "good name" of her husband.
It does not stop there obviously. To erode gradually Somalilanders' rights, she delegates her Somaliland's dirty tricks to her many minions and for her overseas hare-brained ideas to a horde of jesters who see democracy primarily as an unavoidable double-dealing cutthroat politicking and reer reer business. In the diaspora, the first person who comes to mind is Dr. Jaajale Tani of dirt-poor and dusty Dila whose only legitimacy is the time he spent in Syad's Gulags, forgetting that his reer abti, beesha dheexda, Issaaq, lost over 70 000 lives for the liberation of Somaliland.
From a modest home of a family who lived off the land of others, here comes ina Barkhat, ready to eat the whole pie with a vengeance, a fiesta in which Somalilanders will have a mortifying experience at the dinner table when Somaliland dhulkeygo stops short and the nation is finally all for grabs. Luckily, Somalilanders are showing, in the best tradition of the SNM, more and more signs of discontent.

Sagal Say
sagalainashi@hotmail.

Dareemada Shakiga Leh Ee Ku Xeeran Booqashada Madaxweyne Rayaale Iyo Weftigiisu Ay Ku Joogaan Djibouti

Faallo: Maxamed Sagax Hatuf

Madaxweyne Rayaale iyo wefti uu hogaaminayo oo shalay u anbabaxay socdaal la sheegay inuu martiqaad kaga helay wasiirka arrimaha dibada ee UK, taas oo aan afhayeenka madaxtooyadu aanu war-saxaafadeedka uu ka soo saaray socdaalkaasi aanu ku xusin in madaxweyne Rayaale sii mari doono una hoyan doono magaalo madaxda dalka Djibouti oo la sheegay in safarkiisa oo uu u adeegsaday diyaarad khaasa oo ay shirkada Daallo Airline leedahay, taas oo magaalo madaxda dalka Ethiopia ee Addis-ababa qorshihiisu ahaa inuu halkaasi ka raaco diyaarad toos ah oo dalka UK ugu socdaalo, inkasta oo aan ilaa hadda la ogayn waxyaabaha sababay in madaxweyne Rayaale iyo weftigiisu ay ku sii hakadaan dalka Djibouti oo la sheegay in caawa saacadaha fiidka isaga iyo weftigiisu ay ka duuli doonaan madaarka Djibouti una socdaali doonaan magaalo madaxda Ethiopia ee Addis-ababa, haddana waxa shaki weyni ka dhashay dareenada iyo dhaqdhaqaaqyada u dambeeyey ee masuuliyiinta maamulka Somaliland ay baryahan dambe ugu socdaalayeen dalka Djibouti oo wakhtigan xaadirka ah xarun u ah dhismaha dawlada Somalia ee dhawaan lagu soo cumaamaday Sheekh Shariif Sh. Axmed, inkasta oo baryahan dambe xidhiidhka Somaliland iyo jabuuti uu ka soo fiicnaanayey sida uu ahaa wakhtiyadii hore hadana waxay dawlada Djibouti muddooyinkan dambe si weyn ugu jajaban tahay maamulada Somalia oo ay geed iyo mid gaabanba u fuushay sidii ay mar uun u sal dhigi lahayd dawlad midnimo Soomaaliyeed oo ka dhalata koonfurta Somalia, taas oo maamulka u dambeeyey ee lagu soo dhisay dalkaasi ee uu hogaamiyaha u yahay Sheekh Shariif lagu soo daray shakhsiyaad Somaliland ka soo jeedda oo mansabyo waaweyn looga dhiibay maamulkaasi lana sheegay in hogaanka Djibouti door weyn ku lahaa talada ay shakhsiyaadkaasi Somaliland kaga mid noqdeen maamulka Sh. Shariif,
waxaana muddadii maamulkaasi la soo dhisay masuuliyiinta xukuumada Somaliland ka soo yeedhay hadalo shaki iyo walaac weyn ku abuuray shacbiga Somaliland gaar ahaan hadalkii madaxweyne ku xigeenka Somaliland Axmed Yuusuf Yaasiin uu ku hambalyeeyey maamulka Sh. Shariif oo uu tilmaamay in maamulkaasi si weyn uga duwan yahay maamuladii hore ee Somalia loo soo dhisi jirey, marka arrimahaasi iyo dhaqdhaqaaqyada xukuumada Somaliland ee ay baryahan dambe ugu socdaalayaan dalalka Dibadaha ayaan wax wara aanay ka haynin halka siyaasada khaarajigu marayso iyo cilaaqaadyada dalalka dibadaha ay la soo gasho xukuumaddu kaas oo distoorka Qarankuna xukuumadda ku waajibinayo in golayaasha Baarlamaanka ay warbixin ka siiyaan hadba halka ay siyaasadu marayso iyo xidhiidhada ku wajahan dalalka caalamka balse xukuumadu iyo madaxweyne toona marnaba ma hor imanin goleyaasha baarlamaanka si ay warbixin uga siiyaan socdaalada ay muddooyinkan dambe iyo dhaqdhaqaaqyada ku wajahan dalalka yurub, afrika ayaa u muuqda kuwo mugdi badani ku wareegsan yahay sirta dhabta ah ee ku hoos duugan oo loo baahnaa in xukuumaddu goleyaasha baarlamaanka iyo shacbigaba ay xogwaran faahfaahsan ka siiso halka ay marayso siyaasada khaarajiga iyo duruufaha ku xeeran socdaalada loo baxayo ee aan wax natiijo ahi aanay ka soo bixin balse shaki weyn uun ku abuura ummadda.

Hadal iyo murti waxay shaki ku abuuraysaa dadweynaha reer Somaliland socdaalka uu madaxweyne Rayaale iyo weftigiisu ay ku joogaan magaalo madaxda Djibouti, iyadoon horena loo sii sheegin in weftigoodu Djibouti joogi doono, balse lagu sheegay in weftigu si toosa ugu ambabixi doono dalka UK.
Inkastoo xidhiidh wanaagsani inaga dhexeeyo Djabouti hadana tan iyo intii maamulka shariif loogu soo dhisay dalkaasi waxaa la joojiyey in lagu galo Pass port ka Somaliland dalkaasi, iyadoo rag siyaasiyiin ah oo dalka sharaf ku leh loo diiday inay dalka ku galaan Passa porta Somaliland oo ay siteen.

Faallo: Maxamed Sagax

source:Haatuf

Does Somaliland deserve international recognition?

The political landscape of Somalia is now changing, albeit slowly. An all inclusive government consisting of former supporters of Abdullahi Yusuf, moderate Islamists, secular nationalists and Somali émigrés is now in place. Our focus of attention then should bring us to question of Somaliland recognition by the international community. Does Somaliland deserve today? Especially at a time Somalia is moving towards a comprehensive peace building and reconciliation.

The diehard Somaliland supporters are at a forefront in trying to lobby governments around the world and use academics and lobby groups to further their aim of carving up Somalia along tribal lines. The clever use of diplomacy has backfired on Somaliland. As the only government willing to extend recognition is the long time foe of the Somali people, Ethiopia. Though a few other nations in Africa support the concept, but at the end of the day follow the African union position on this matter.
Coming back to the close ties Somaliland has with Ethiopia, though also shared surprisingly by Puntland as well. Both Puntland and Somaliland have been complicit in sharing intelligence with Ethiopia, their minders. The well known policy of handing over Somali freedom fighters, fighting Ethiopian colonialism continues to take place. The legitimacy Somaliland has is surely put into question by their close relationship with the criminal government of Ethiopia. The winner at the end of the day, from Somali territorial break up is Ethiopia and Kenya.

The President of Somaliland currently here in London on a diplomatic offensive, probably is begging their former colonial power for recognition. Our duty then as Somalis is to highlight our opposition to divide and rule our country from Addis Ababa and other foreign capitals of the world. Somaliland is known to use a lobby group run by a former British diplomat, to put across their case for an independent Somaliland. It is in our own interests that we counter lobby the ruling elite in Somaliland who support the division of our nation. This policy of divide and rule best serves the interests of our immediate enemies, hell bent on carving up our country into weak mini states.
One needs to get a closer look at the facts on the ground in Somaliland. Do all Somalis irrespective of being Darod, Dir or Isaaq all support the idea of Somaliland? The answer to this question has been well known for years. The case for Somaliland is propagated by one tribal group through the use of ruling elites, who have close to ties to the former dictatorship of the Late Mohammed Siad Barre. All the leaders of the political parties in Somaliland have been associated with a dictatorship, supposedly they were fighting against. This brings us back to the question of legitimacy. How legitimate are the political leaders in Somaliland? Surely they are only serving the interests of their foreign backers and also at the end of the day satisfying their own egos.

The disillusioned Awdalites, the uniting of the Dhuulbahante (NSPU) and the breakaway of the Warsangali into Maakhir regional state, strengthens the argument that Somaliland is an exclusive nation, serving the interests of the Isaaq tribe. Recent comments made by the Somaliland vice president, further undermines the Somaliland lobby groups in the Diaspora. An acknowledgement and applaud goes out to VP Ahmed Yusuf Yasin, who had the courage to speak his mind, regarding Somalia uniting under a federal union.

It is therefore high time that all Somalis form a united front, against any infringements on our territorial integrity and nation state. When one looks at the bigger picture, Somalis realise the actors that put a wall against any real movement in reconciling the Somalis, Ethiopia and any Somali willing to get paid millions to kill, spy on their Somali brethren. The time lost building our nation, developing our youth for a brighter future, ridding society of tribalism, strengthening our deen, culture, language must be reversed now before it is too late. Our unique place in Africa as one people, one language and one religion, will be lost for future generations. The cross roads Somalia is driving through will be a test for all Somalis, be it from Puntland, Somaliland or Somalia.

Mubarak Ahmed Salah
mubarak_sa1@hotmail.com